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Evan Wasuka
It may have been the dying days of the Solomon Islands’ national parliament but there was no let up in the politiking as the government’s major political reform in its two years in power crashed and burned on the floor of parliament. After three prime ministers and two governments over four years Derek Sikua’s much talked about but over-hyped political party reform bill went down in flames as his most senior government ministers sparked off discontent amongst the government backbench. The bill had been created some two years earlier with the noble goal of creating stability by making political parties a central part of the political system. Sikua’s officials said by regulating political parties Solomon Islands would for the first time in its history be able to curb the fluidity of national politics. A political situation that has seen many prime ministers come and go at the whim of the government backbenchers who have traditionally held the power base of any government. Worse, the attention of prime ministers have over the years been hijacked away from national issues by the petty interest of parliamentarians. In the end, the great political party bill was felled by conspiracy—one created by the very forces it was set up to fight. The bill which had been in the making for two years—and had been the most consulted piece of legislation during the Sikua government’s time was dropped in its second reading as MPs in the government backbench turned their backs on government solidarity and deliberately failed to turn up for the bill’s crucial vote. The bill fell short by two votes. Two-thirds majority was needed to change the constitution. Behind the statistics—a bigger story unfolded. A conspiracy played out by some of the big names in the government—figures who make up Sikua’s inner circle of supporters—the very same MPs and power brokers who put Sikua in the prime minister’s seat two years ago following the collapse of the Manasseh Sogavare government. They were the engineers of a scheme to stop Sikua’s last minute dash to push the political party bill through parliament in the final two days of the house. The only thing that saved Solomon Islands from a motion of no confidence and a possible third prime minister in four years—was the fact that parliament was scheduled to end its term in two days. According to government officials, at the centre of the conspiracy was Sikua’s finance minister Snyder Rini and his environment minister Gordon Darcy Lilo. The two men were said to be the leaders of the group of five ministers who manipulated the government backbenchers to oppose the bill.
The catalyst Although the political party bill was considered to be the government’s flagship policy, there had always been internal opposition to the bill. But Sikua says the matter came to a head in the final weeks of parliament as the house rejected a bid to increase Solomon Islands’ 50 constituencies by a further 17. It was an issue the government was split over, that members were given the green-light to vote according to their own conscience. Even the prime minister himself opted to abstain from the vote—a situation many political commentators say opened the floodgates for a backbench rebellion. Amongst the two big constituencies that were affected by parliament’s rejection were Rini’s Marovo seat and Lilo’s Gizo-Kolombanagara. Both seats cover a wide area and a reduced size would certainly make it easier for the incumbents to come back into power. According to Sikua it was the government backbenchers—where the numbers were—who were manipulated by the senior ministers. “I question how much money was given for them to stay out...they had dinner at Iron Bottom Sound Hotel, the other week at Honiara Hotel. They said it was a meeting but no it was a meeting to solidify support to stay out of the voting, so I knew,” said Sikua.
Backbench revolt Like with previous motions of no confidence and other votes in parliament, it has always been the government backbench or the independent members of parliament who have held the key to any major change in the House. It was no different with the political party bill as the backbenchers failed to turn up for the crucial afternoon vote. “This kind of behaviour by the backbenchers is very childish—they are immature and they are acting like children. “This has been their behaviour since joining the CNURA (Coalition of National Unity and Rural Advancement) government.” “These aren’t the kinds of leaders we need in this country, it’s easy to manipulate these kinds of people. So when one minister goes and speaks to them i’ts easy for them...they don’t use their heads,” said Sikua. Even a pre-vote lunch at the prime minister’s residence failed to garner the support needed. “They wanted to save their skin at the expense of these backbenchers. That is a very selfish attitude,” an angry Sikua told reporters in a press conference as he announced replacements for the sacked five ministers. “How can you make use of another member of parliament like that. He should be a leader, you are both the same.”
Five sackings and a conspiracy “Those are the kinds of crafty, elusive, sneaky politicians that we in this country don’t need. Political commentators noted that for the first time since taking up the prime ministers seat Sikua was finally forced to abandon his usual compromise in favour of decisive action. “Imagine if these people take leadership of the country,” an angry Sikua told the media as he announced the sackings of the five ministers. In the aftermath of the botched bill, seven parliamentarians were also given the boot from the chairmanship of seven state owned enterprises. All this with just two days to go to the dissolution of parliament. “They are no longer members of parliament so they can no longer cause any more trouble or harm to me, politically that is,” said Sikua.
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