‘After all, it (Solomons) is a sovereign nation and is entitled to run its own affairs as its elected government deems fit, no matter what opinion a foreign power may have on its internal affairs’


No matter what motives Australia might ascribe to Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare’s action in declaring its High Commissioner Patrick Cole persona non grata, it must face up to one rather humbling fact: a Pacific Islands leader has shown the gumption to stand up to the might of the region’s most dominant military and economic power on, in his view, a matter of principle.

The High Commissioner’s recent comments and actions were seen as interference in the Solomons’ day-to-day affairs and his hobnobbing with the country’s opposition was such that any host country would find hard to tolerate.

The arrogance of his actions betrayed his—and his country’s—belief that it can grab the moral high ground and ride roughshod at will, thanks to their involvement in the beleaguered country through RAMSI.

Every one agrees that the 2003 intervention was necessary to stem the rot in the Solomons. Many Solomon Islanders feel sincerely grateful to the Australian-led RAMSI’s role in restoring law and order and help in rebuilding the country’s crumbling institutions.

But that cannot justify the tone and manner in which Australia represented by Cole has been conducting its affairs in the country immediately before his expulsion.

After all, it is a sovereign nation and is entitled to run its own affairs as its elected government deems fit, no matter what opinion a foreign power may have on its internal affairs.

Sogavare is obviously upset that two MPs—Charles Dausabea and Nelson Ne’e—continue to be incarcerated in a Honiara jail pending trial after being accused of inciting the April riots in Honiara that reduced the Chinatown business district to cinders. The Australian justices have repeatedly denied them bail.

On its part, Australia clearly fears that Sogavare is pushing his parallel investigation into why RAMSI failed to prevent the spread of the riots, despite its presence in the capital and being charged with the task of preserving law and order—the very raison d’etre of RAMSI.

It fears the Solomons’ administration may use these findings in favour of the two accused MPs whenever their trial eventuates—a view substantiated by a recently leaked official document.

Logically, the investigation into the failure of the RAMSI forces to react in good time to prevent the mayhem is as important as the investigation into the alleged role of the two MPs, if not more.

And it is not just the people of the Solomon Islands that have a right to know the reasons behind the failure. RAMSI is a regional force and the taxpayers of the nations that have contributed to the force need to know too.

After all, it is a model on which future interventions in trouble spots in the famous ‘arc of instability’ may be planned. In fact, Australia has used this argument to augment its defence forces by a couple of thousands recently.

The administrations of Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu and the Solomons have expressed disappointment that it has used Pacific Islands Countries to justify this augmentation.

If Australia is seen as wanting to try and prevent an investigation into the RAMSI failure by an independent Solomon Islands body, it must be prepared for criticism that it may have something to hide.

Meanwhile, Australia has retaliated by denying visas to all Solomon Islands MPs.

This will effectively prevent the MPs—including those of the opposition—from not just visiting but even transiting to Australia, which they must do to travel to most places outside the region.

This is an obviously well calculated move. Junketing is a valued privilege among elected representatives that they must enjoy in the narrow window in which they wield power.

Denying that for long will undoubtedly make Sogavare unpopular not just among the opposition MPs but even among those in his own government.

Not surprisingly, there already are moves to launch a motion-of-no-confidence against Sogavare. But at a time like this, the MPs would do well to take a stand that does not undermine their country’s sovereignty and dedicate themselves to finding the truth behind the riots. 

That said, the diplomatic standoff is in nobody’s interest and must be sorted out as quickly as possible. Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) nations PNG and Fiji have volunteered to mediate.

They must move quickly and get the two countries to start talking. Such mediation looks necessary especially after talks between Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer and his Solomons’ counterpart Patterson Oti in New York failed to make any progress in resolving the standoff.

Downer’s shadow minister Kevin Rudd said Downer “sounded like a schoolyard bully”.

The diplomatic spat is a good opportunity for the region in general and Australia and New Zealand in particular to review the idea of regional interventions.

While quick, rapid action may be necessary to ensure a swift return to peace in a violent situation, intervention forces must check themselves from getting involved in local politics once normalcy returns. They must concentrate on an exit plan before they lose local goodwill and are seen as an occupying force—a thing which has happened all too often in the recent past in many parts of the world.